A COMPARATIVE STUDY OF TWO PERSPECTIVES ON THE AHON INSTITUTION IN BAKOSSILAND;

 

ABSTRACT

 

The Ahon institution occupies a distinctive and prestigious position among the traditional and cultural institutions of the Bakossi people.

 It is simultaneously a social institution, a cultural society, a repository of esoteric knowledge, and a system of hierarchy, initiation and traditional authority.

Two notable writings provide different perspectives on this institution: The Origine of Ahon, written by Magistrate Metiege Divine Njikang of Ngusi Village, and Our Ahon Society by Chief/Nhon George Ntungwe Enongene, published in Eco-OUTLOOK No. 182 of 22 September 2026.

 

Although the two writers examine the same institution, their approaches are substantially different. Magistrate Metiege’s contribution is predominantly historical and origin-centred.

 It seeks to trace the emergence of Ahon, its relationship with the Bafaws of Memban, its early material culture and the historical circumstances surrounding its development.

 Chief/Nhon Ntungwe’s article, by contrast, is predominantly sociological and institutional, concentrating on the organization, ranks, membership, regalia, ceremonies, contemporary practices and perceived challenges facing Ahon today.

The two accounts nevertheless converge on several fundamental features, including the prestige of Ahon, the designation of its initiated members as Nhon and collectively Behon, its three principal ranks, its secrecy and sacred character, restrictions concerning membership, the limited role of women, its poetic and musical traditions, and its distinctive regalia.

This comparative study argues that the two writings should not necessarily be viewed as competing accounts. Rather, they constitute complementary perspectives: one provides an account of Ahon’s historical memory and origins, while the other documents its contemporary institutional structure and social operation.

Taken together, they contribute to a broader understanding of Ahon as an important component of Bakossi cultural heritage.

 

1.INTRODUCTION

 

The preservation of indigenous history and cultural institutions depends greatly upon the willingness of knowledgeable members of a community to document what they know and what has been transmitted to them through generations.

 In Bakossiland, Ahon represents one of the most prestigious and culturally significant traditional institutions within the broader family of folklore societies commonly associated with Akalerh or Ekalerh.

The writings of Magistrate Metiege Divine Njikang and Chief/Nhon George Ntungwe Enongene are particularly significant because they approach Ahon from different perspectives.

Magistrate Metiege, in The Origine of Ahon, is principally concerned with the question of where Ahon came from, how it developed, and what historical circumstances accompanied its emergence.

 His narrative gives considerable attention to oral traditions concerning the Bafaws of Memban or Mambanda, Sango Mbome’hudibe of Ndabekeng-Ngusi, the acquisition of the Ngen masquerade, and the historical traditions surrounding human skulls and the early practices associated with Ahon.

Chief/Nhon George Ntungwe Enongene, in Our Ahon Society, takes a different route. His principal concern is what Ahon is, how it is organized, who belongs to it, how members progress within its hierarchy, what ceremonies and regalia characterize it, and what contemporary problems threaten its integrity.

The distinction may therefore be expressed simply:

Magistrate Metiege asks principally: “Where did Ahon come from?”

Ntungwe asks principally: “What is Ahon and how does it operate?”

This distinction does not make one account more important than the other.

Historical origin and contemporary organization are two essential dimensions of understanding a cultural institution.

 

2. THE TWO WRITERS AND THEIR APPROACHES

 

2.1 Magistrate Metiege Divine Njikang: The Historical and Origin-Centred Approach

Magistrate Metiege’s account may be described as an attempt to reconstruct the historical memory of Ahon. His emphasis is on origin, transmission, evolution and the circumstances under which the institution acquired its identity.

His narrative connects the emergence of Ahon with the Bafaws of Memban and traces the tradition through Sango Mbome’hudibe of Ndabekeng-Ngusi.

 It further recounts the acquisition of the Ngen masquerade and traditions involving human skulls, thereby presenting Ahon against a historical background of power, wealth, warfare, sacrifice and traditional beliefs.

Another important contribution is his discussion of the evolution of Ahon material culture. The account associates the early institution with a red clay skull cap, which was subsequently replaced by a red silk cap.

 It also refers to the historical storage of human skulls and their eventual replacement by goats in the traditional system.

The strength of this approach lies in its attempt to preserve historical memory and oral tradition, including traditions that may otherwise disappear with successive generations.

At the same time, because much of such historical material belongs to oral tradition, it should be distinguished from independently verified documentary history. Oral traditions are valuable historical sources, but particular claims may require corroboration through genealogies, archival material, archaeological evidence, linguistic research and testimony from additional traditional custodians.

2.2 Chief/Nhon George Ntungwe Enongene: The Sociological and Contemporary Approach

Chief/Nhon George Ntungwe Enongene’s Our Ahon Society approaches Ahon principally as a functioning social and cultural institution.

His account is particularly concerned with its internal structure.

He identifies the three principal ranks:

Osam  the entry level;

Epie/Epie’Nhon the intermediate level; and

Saah’Nhon  the highest or apex rank.

The article also addresses membership, inheritance, initiation, ceremonies, regalia, songs, dance, the position of chiefs, the role of women and the consequences of unauthorized representation or impersonation.

A significant feature of Ntungwe’s article is its concern with the present condition of Ahon. He expresses concern that the institution’s traditional standards may be weakened when persons considered unsuitable are admitted. His article therefore goes beyond description and becomes partly a reflection on cultural preservation.

His approach may consequently be described as institutional, sociological and contemporary.

 

3.AREAS OF CONVERGENCE BETWEEN THE TWO ACCOUNTS

 

Despite their different approaches, the two writers agree on a remarkable number of fundamental characteristics.

3.1 Prestige and Status

Both accounts portray Ahon as one of the most prestigious and honourable institutions among Bakossi traditional societies.

The two writers also distinguish between the ordinary social use of the title Nhon and actual membership of Ahon. A wealthy or respected person may be addressed as Nhon as a mark of respect without necessarily being an initiated member of the Ahon institution.

This distinction is important because it prevents the social title from being confused with institutional membership.

3.2 The Meaning of Nhon and Behon

Both accounts recognize the terminology:

Nhon   an initiated individual;

Behon   the plural or collective designation of Ahon members.

The two accounts further associate Ahon with particular privileges, obligations, symbols and restrictions that are not automatically acquired merely because an individual is wealthy or socially prominent.

 

3.3 The Three-Level Hierarchy

 

One of the strongest areas of agreement is the three-tier structure:

Osam → Epie/Epie’Nhon → Saah’Nhon

The first level represents entry into the institution, while Saah’Nhon represents the highest level of traditional status.

Both accounts therefore depict Ahon not as an undifferentiated association but as a structured institution in which advancement is regulated.

3.4 Secrecy and Sacred Character

 

Both writers emphasize the confidential, sacred and esoteric character of Ahon.

Certain knowledge and practices are not intended for public disclosure. The shrine or sacred space, referred to as Mbourh/Mbuorh, is consequently treated as a restricted environment.

This feature distinguishes Ahon from ordinary public cultural performances

3.5 Conditions for Advancement

Both accounts indicate that progression from one level to another involves prescribed requirements, including the payment of traditional charges and conformity with requirements concerning acceptable origin or status.

This indicates that membership is not presented as an entirely open or unrestricted process.

3.6 Women and Succession

Both accounts recognize a limited role for women in the traditional system and describe circumstances in which the heritage or position of a Nhon without a male child may pass through a female descendant.

This aspect is particularly significant for contemporary researchers because it raises questions concerning inheritance, gender, succession and the adaptation of traditional institutions to changing social circumstances.

 

3.7 Poetry, Songs and Dance

 

Both authors associate Ahon with poetry, songs, music and a distinctive form of dance.

The Nhon is portrayed not merely as a participant in ceremonies but also as a bearer of poetic and artistic expression.

 

3.8 Regalia

 

 

The two descriptions of Ahon regalia are substantially similar. They include:

a red cap   Olap/Melap;

a black shirt;

a black loin covering   Odine;

black shoes and stockings;

the Ngwem bag; and

distinctive additional insignia associated with the Saah’Nhon, including a red scarf.

The similarity in the two descriptions strengthens the impression that both writers are describing the same institutional tradition.

 

4.MAJOR DIFFERENCES BETWEEN THE TWO ACCOUNTS

 

4.1 Historical Origin versus Contemporary Organization

 

The principal difference is methodological.

Metiege’s work is diachronic: it examines Ahon through time, seeking to explain its origins and development.

Ntungwe’s work is more synchronic: it examines Ahon as it exists and functions within contemporary Bakossi society.

The former therefore supplies historical depth, while the latter supplies institutional detail.

 

4.2 The Origin Narrative

 

Metiege provides a detailed account connecting Ahon to the Bafaws of Memban/Mambanda and Sango Mbome’hudibe of Ndabekeng-Ngusi.

His account includes the story of the acquisition of Ngen and traditions concerning human skulls, the expulsion of Bafaws from the Tombel crescent, and the tradition surrounding Edib e nlo m’mbad, described as a stream associated with human heads in the Mahole forest.

Ntungwe’s article does not concentrate on these origin traditions. It begins principally with an explanation of Ahon as an institution and proceeds to its structure and contemporary functioning.

Thus, Metiege provides a genealogy of the institution, whereas Ntungwe provides a sociology of the institution.

 

4.3 Material Evolution

 

Metiege discusses the historical evolution of Ahon’s regalia and ritual materials, including the tradition of the red clay skull cap and the subsequent adoption of the red silk cap.

He also records traditions concerning skulls, their storage and their eventual replacement by goats.

Ntungwe does not focus on these historical transformations.

 

4.4 The Etymology and Meaning of Ahon

 

Metiege attempts to explain why the institution became known as Ahon, associating its name with Behon, traditionally understood in his narrative as wealthy persons capable of meeting the material demands associated with the institution.

Ntungwe does not develop this historical etymology to the same extent. Instead, he concentrates on the contemporary significance and standards of membership.

 

4.5 Contemporary Cultural Criticism

 

Ntungwe is more explicit in criticizing what he perceives as the erosion of Ahon’s traditional standards.

He expresses concern that unsuitable or unqualified persons may be admitted, thereby weakening the institution’s traditional character.

Metiege’s critical observations are instead primarily historical, including references to wealth, power, witchcraft, sacrifice and other factors associated with the historical spread of the institution.

 

4.6 The Question of Elob

 

Ntungwe provides additional information concerning elob, described in his account in connection with an iron rod and horse mane

 and with esoteric practices.

This is largely absent from Metiege’s account.

 

4.7 Chiefs and Ahon

 

Ntungwe expressly raises the question of whether every traditional chief is a Nhon.

His account distinguishes between chiefs who are initiated and those who may hold an honorary relationship with Ahon, described as Nhon Mbworh/Mbwog.

Metiege does not devote a specific section to this question.

 

4.8 Membership and Inheritance

 

Ntungwe provides more detail on contemporary membership modalities, including inheritance, initiation of children by fathers during their lifetime, recruitment during ceremonies and variations in charges from one village to another.

Metiege’s account is more concerned with the historical association between Ahon, wealth and acquisition.

 

4.9 Descendants of Slaves

 

One of the most significant differences concerns descendants of slaves.

Metiege’s historical account refers to slaves in connection with the origin traditions involving human skulls.

Ntungwe goes further by describing a contemporary traditional rule concerning the initiation of descendants of slaves and the limits placed upon their progression.

Because such a statement has important social and historical implications, it would benefit from comparative documentation from different Ahon communities before being presented as a universal Bakossi rule.

 

5.COMPLEMENTARITY OF THE TWO WRITINGS

 

The apparent differences between the two accounts should not necessarily be interpreted as contradictions.

A cultural institution can possess both a history and a contemporary structure.

Metiege’s account helps answer:

Where did Ahon come from?

How did it develop?

What historical traditions surround its emergence?

How did its material culture evolve?

Nungwe’s account helps answer:

What is Ahon today?

Who qualifies for membership?

How is membership inherited or acquired?

What are the ranks?

What regalia are used?

What are the contemporary rules and concerns?

Consequently, the two writings may be viewed as two chapters of a larger cultural history.

One records historical memory; the other records institutional practice.

One emphasizes origin; the other emphasizes operation.

One looks backward to explain formation; the other looks at the present to explain continuity and preservation.

 

6.OBSERVATIONS ON METHODOLOGY

 

A serious comparative study should also recognize the nature of the evidence used by both writers.

Ahon contains elements of secrecy and restricted knowledge. Consequently, neither writer can reasonably be expected to provide every aspect of the institution to the public.

Furthermore, some historical accounts concerning Ahon are transmitted through oral tradition. Oral history is an important source of indigenous knowledge, but different villages, families, custodians and generations may preserve different versions of the same event.

For that reason, differences between the two accounts should sometimes be treated as differences in emphasis, transmission or source tradition, rather than immediately as factual contradictions.

Future research could therefore compare the writings with:

testimonies of different Saah’Nhon;

village genealogies;

traditional historians;

chiefs and elders;

linguistic evidence;

archival materials;

missionary records where available;

archaeological evidence; and

comparative traditions from the different Bakossi communities.

Such an approach would help distinguish between established historical facts, oral traditions, symbolic narratives and later interpretations.

 

7.RECOMMENDATIONS

 

7.1 Establish an Ahon Cultural Documentation Project

 

Bakossi traditional authorities and cultural associations should consider establishing a systematic documentation project dedicated to Ahon.

The project could record its history, terminology, ranks, regalia, songs, dances, oral traditions and institutional evolution.

 

7.2 Preserve Multiple Versions of Oral History

 

Rather than selecting one account as the only authoritative narrative, researchers should preserve different versions of Ahon traditions and identify their sources.

This would respect the diversity of oral transmission while allowing future researchers to compare evidence.

 

7.3 Create a Bakossi Cultural Archive

 

The writings of Magistrate Metiege Divine Njikang and Nungwe should be preserved alongside other historical materials concerning Bakossiland.

A cultural archive could contain manuscripts, newspaper articles, photographs, interviews, genealogies and traditional vocabularies.

 

7.4 Encourage Dialogue Between Traditional Custodians

Saah’Nhon, chiefs, elders, cultural historians and scholars should be encouraged to discuss areas where traditions differ.

Such dialogue could clarify terminology and identify which practices are common throughout Bakossiland and which are specific to particular villages or lineages.

 

7.5 Distinguish Tradition from Historical Verification

 

 

Historical narratives involving slavery, human sacrifice, migration, warfare and particular geographical events should be carefully identified as oral traditions unless independently corroborated.

This does not diminish their cultural value. Rather, it makes cultural scholarship more rigorous.

 

7.6 Protect Sacred and Restricted Knowledge

Documentation should not become an excuse for disclosing information traditionally restricted to initiated members.

Researchers should distinguish between knowledge suitable for public cultural education and knowledge that remains protected by Ahon tradition.

 

7.7 Document Changes in Contemporary Ahon

Because traditional institutions evolve, future research should document how Ahon is changing in response to education, Christianity, modern law, migration, urbanization, social mobility and changing concepts of inheritance and membership.

 

7.8 Encourage Intergenerational Transmission

Younger Bakossi people should be encouraged to learn about Ahon through responsible cultural education.

The objective should not simply be to reproduce the past, but to ensure that future generations understand the historical significance and cultural meaning of the institution.

 

8.CONCLUSION

 

The writings of Magistrate Metiege Divine Njikang and Chief/Nhon George Nungwe Enongene constitute two important perspectives on the Ahon institution in Bakossiland.

Their principal distinction lies not necessarily in what they believe Ahon to be, but in what each writer seeks to explain.

Magistrate Metiege’s The Origine of Ahon is fundamentally an exploration of historical memory, origin and evolution. It takes the reader backward, into traditions concerning the Bafaws of Memban, Sango Mbome’hudibe, the Ngen masquerade, the historical use of skulls, the evolution of regalia and the socio-economic circumstances associated with the emergence of the institution.

Nungwe’s Our Ahon Society, on the other hand, presents Ahon principally as a functioning contemporary institution. It explains its ranks, membership, regalia, songs, dance, ceremonies, chiefs, inheritance practices, restrictions and contemporary concerns about the preservation of its standards.

The two accounts therefore resemble two sides of the same cultural coin.

Without the historical dimension, contemporary Ahon may be difficult to understand.

Without the contemporary dimension, the historical account may remain disconnected from the institution as it exists today.

Their greatest value may consequently lie in their complementarity. Together, they demonstrate that Ahon is not merely a masquerade or entertainment society, but a complex traditional institution involving identity, hierarchy, cultural memory, poetry, music, ritual, social status, inheritance and traditional authority.

At the same time, the accounts demonstrate the importance of continued research. Some assertion  particularly those concerning origins, slavery, human skulls, migration and eligibility for membership would benefit from corroboration across different Bakossi communities and historical sources.

The appropriate scholarly response is therefore not to ask which writer has “won” the historical argument, but to preserve, compare and critically examine both contributions.

Ultimately, this comparative study is written by Magistrate Metiege Divine Njikang. His contribution gives Ahon a historical memory, while NTungwe gives Ahon a contemporary institutional voice. Their combined contributions can serve as valuable building blocks for a more comprehensive history and cultural study of Ahon in Bakossiland.